Sirvan Karimi
School of Public Policy and Administration
Assistant Professor
Office: 133 MCLaughlin College
Phone: 416-736-2100 Ext: 22782
Email: dalaho@yorku.ca
Media Requests Welcome
Accepting New Graduate Students
Dr. Sirvan Karimi has written his doctoral dissertation on Comparative social policy in Canada and Australia. His PhD dissertation is titled; Social Classes, National Settings, and the Welfare State: The Public Pension Systems in Canada and Australia. His research focuses on Canadian politics, public policy, public administration, and public law . In addition to publishing several scholarly articles, he is the sole author of two scholarly books; Beyond the Welfare State: Postwar Social Settlement and Public Pension Policy in Canada and Australia. Toronto: University of Toronto press, 2017 and The Tragedy of Social Democracy. Winnipeg: Frenwood Publishing, 2015.
His research interests focus on Comparative social policy, Social Democracy, and Democratic Administration. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of his academic background, he has published numerous articles on various areas related to Canadian politics, Comparative Politics, and international politics with a specific focus on the democratization in the Middle East.
Dr. Karimi has been teaching courses at both graduate and undergraduate levels since 2007. In addition to teaching at York University, he has also taught courses at Brock and Ryerson Universities. He has been teaching courses along all three streams (Public Policy, Public Administration and Public Law) within the School of Public Policy and Administration curriculum. He has also supervised MRPs for several MA students in the Master of Public Policy, Administration and Law (MPPAL) program.
Dr. Karimi has been recognized for his teaching efforts with a variety of teaching nominations and awards, including being nominated for the President's University-Wide Teaching Award for 2013-2014 and receiving the Dean's Teaching Award for Excellence in Teaching in the Faculty of Liberal Arts &Professional Studies for 2015-2016.
Degrees
Ph.D , York UniversityMA , York University
B.A. Honours , University of Winnipeg
Research Interests
- Dean's Award of Excellence in Teaching in Faculty of LA&PS - 2016
- Nominated for President’s University Wide Teaching Award, York University - 2013-2014
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1999
- Yuonne Perfontaine Memorial Award in Political Science, University of Winnipeg - 1998
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1998
- The J.D. Jessiman Scholarship in Political Science, University of Winnipeg - 1996
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1996
- Board of Regents Undergraduate Bursary, The Senate, University of Winnipeg - 1995
- Albert Clifford Matthews Memorial Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1999
Recent electoral inroads by anti-establishment political parties in Europe and around the world have led to the resurgence of the debate on populism. Within the burgeoning theoretical and analytic interpretations of the surge of populism, competing arguments have been deployed. Economic dislocation and the demographic shift within liberal democratic societies have provided fertile ground for the rise of populism. However, the success of these populist political parties, particularly the radical right populist parties, in utilizing prevailing societal resentment is to a great extent conditional upon a perceived threat to national identity. While the vestiges of political distrust and social and economic indignation can be found in Canadian society, the absence of a historically ingrained strong sense of nationhood, consolidation of multiculturalism, the eclipse of class from national political discourse, and the implausibility of resorting to Anti-Americanism as a mobilizing tactic has made it difficult for both Canadian right and left populist forces to replicate the success of their international counterparts at the national level.
It has almost become conventional wisdom among analysts and experts on Middle Eastern politics to relate the fate of the democratisation process and its failure in the region to the foreign policy platforms of the USA and its Western allies. Contrary to the prevailing interpretations of democratisation failure in the Middle East, it will be argued that the historical proclivity of leftist organisations and parties to conflate anti-imperialism with fostering hostility towards liberal values, the limited scope of industrialisation, and culturally and religiously ingrained competing loyalties are factors that have cumulatively made a significant contribution to the cultivation of a socio-political environment that is not receptive to democracy.
Despite expanding the boundary of formal equality, the Charter of
Rights and Freedoms is conducive to rationalizing liberalism's conception of
the role of the state. Contrary to the hasty expectation of social rights
advocates who hoped that they can utilize the Charter to advance social rights
in Canada, the Charter has in fact been interpreted by the courts in a manner
that justifies the subordination of the social rights to the vicissitudes in the
economic sphere, which has historically been ingrained as an overriding tenet
of liberalism. In line with a long-held liberal principle that the real threat to
individual liberty emanates from the state, not private property relations
which are indeed the basis for socio-economic inequalities, the Charter
interpretations by the courts have, in fact, reinforced a legal rationalization for
the neoliberal-motivated forces of welfare state retrenchment which are
reflected in the courts’ refusal from imposing any positive obligation on the
state to provide the basic means of subsistence for citizens as a matter of
right. Thus, judicial interpretation of the Charter reflects and reinforces the
nineteenth-century liberal tenet that the judiciary can restrain but cannot
compel the state to take positive actions.
It discusses how Afghanistan fiasco can be interpreted as an empirical testimony to the failure of implanting democratic institutions in non-liberal societies.
The tension emanated from deeply polarized socio-cultural values has found its way into the Canadian university campuses. In their endeavour to strike a balance between promoting diversity, inclusion and respecting free speech, the Canadian higher educational institutions have encountered formidable challenges. Central to the contention revolving around the free speech debate is an assertion that institutional pressures for consolidating a culture of political correctness is believed to have the potential to curtail and stifle freedom of expression which has in turn triggered governmental intervention in certain Canadian provinces. The lack of a proper balance between the quest for promoting inclusion, diversity and free speech can in the long run undermine the socially vital mission of universities, and hence corroding the public trust in the higher educational institutions. Obviously, there is no single solution that can function as panacea to surmount these pressing demands faced by the Canadian universities. However, it will be argued that the extension of constitutionally protected freedom of expression to the Canadian universities is not only geared to address the shortcomings of academic freedom, but it is also conducive to harmonizing the pursuit of promoting diversity and inclusion with upholding free speech principles.
As an organic intellectual of the emerging propertied class in 17th century England, John Locke has made an enduring contribution to the prevailing ideas shaping the socio-political order in Western societies and beyond. Through invoking the law of nature and natural rights which were nothing more than what he had abstracted from the socio-economic conditions of the seventeenth century and had projected back into the state of nature, Locke assiduously embarked on justifying the separation of civil society from the state, naturalizing class inequalities, identifying the preservation of property as the fundamental function of the state, and rationalizing the subordination of propertyless classes to the emerging liberal democratic political order geared to preserve the interests of economically hegemonic classes.
Public Administration and Democracy: The Virtue and Limit of Participatory Democracy as a Democratic Innovation. Technium Social Sciences Journal, vol.15, no 1,pp.491-506
Approach to Teaching
My approach to teaching at the university level is based on a pedagogical approach that promotes the development of critical skills in line with the course curriculum designed to meet the learning goals of students. This student-centred teaching approach puts heavy emphasis on employing effective learning strategies to engage students in their learning. In order to enhance skills development of students, I have attempted to integrate a critical perspective into course materials and assignments. My approach has been greatly structured by my teaching experience in a variety of Public Policy, Public Administration and Public Law courses over the past several years. My teaching experience includes teaching a variety of class sizes ranging from 20 to 200 students. In my teaching, I employ diverse teaching methods such as conventional lectures, group exercises, seminars, reflective learning, simulation and experiential education.
Current Courses
| Term | Course Number | Section | Title | Type |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Winter 2024 | AP/PPAS3190 6.0 | M | Public Administration | LECT |
| Fall/Winter 2023 | GS/PPAL6100 3.0 | A | Canadian Constitutional Law | SEMR |
| Fall/Winter 2023 | GS/PPAL6100 3.0 | B | Canadian Constitutional Law | SEMR |
Dr. Sirvan Karimi has written his doctoral dissertation on Comparative social policy in Canada and Australia. His PhD dissertation is titled; Social Classes, National Settings, and the Welfare State: The Public Pension Systems in Canada and Australia. His research focuses on Canadian politics, public policy, public administration, and public law . In addition to publishing several scholarly articles, he is the sole author of two scholarly books; Beyond the Welfare State: Postwar Social Settlement and Public Pension Policy in Canada and Australia. Toronto: University of Toronto press, 2017 and The Tragedy of Social Democracy. Winnipeg: Frenwood Publishing, 2015.
His research interests focus on Comparative social policy, Social Democracy, and Democratic Administration. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of his academic background, he has published numerous articles on various areas related to Canadian politics, Comparative Politics, and international politics with a specific focus on the democratization in the Middle East.
Dr. Karimi has been teaching courses at both graduate and undergraduate levels since 2007. In addition to teaching at York University, he has also taught courses at Brock and Ryerson Universities. He has been teaching courses along all three streams (Public Policy, Public Administration and Public Law) within the School of Public Policy and Administration curriculum. He has also supervised MRPs for several MA students in the Master of Public Policy, Administration and Law (MPPAL) program.
Dr. Karimi has been recognized for his teaching efforts with a variety of teaching nominations and awards, including being nominated for the President's University-Wide Teaching Award for 2013-2014 and receiving the Dean's Teaching Award for Excellence in Teaching in the Faculty of Liberal Arts &Professional Studies for 2015-2016.
Degrees
Ph.D , York UniversityMA , York University
B.A. Honours , University of Winnipeg
Research Interests
Awards
- Dean's Award of Excellence in Teaching in Faculty of LA&PS - 2016
- Nominated for President’s University Wide Teaching Award, York University - 2013-2014
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1999
- Yuonne Perfontaine Memorial Award in Political Science, University of Winnipeg - 1998
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1998
- The J.D. Jessiman Scholarship in Political Science, University of Winnipeg - 1996
- Academic Proficiency Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1996
- Board of Regents Undergraduate Bursary, The Senate, University of Winnipeg - 1995
- Albert Clifford Matthews Memorial Scholarship, University of Winnipeg - 1999
All Publications
Recent electoral inroads by anti-establishment political parties in Europe and around the world have led to the resurgence of the debate on populism. Within the burgeoning theoretical and analytic interpretations of the surge of populism, competing arguments have been deployed. Economic dislocation and the demographic shift within liberal democratic societies have provided fertile ground for the rise of populism. However, the success of these populist political parties, particularly the radical right populist parties, in utilizing prevailing societal resentment is to a great extent conditional upon a perceived threat to national identity. While the vestiges of political distrust and social and economic indignation can be found in Canadian society, the absence of a historically ingrained strong sense of nationhood, consolidation of multiculturalism, the eclipse of class from national political discourse, and the implausibility of resorting to Anti-Americanism as a mobilizing tactic has made it difficult for both Canadian right and left populist forces to replicate the success of their international counterparts at the national level.
It has almost become conventional wisdom among analysts and experts on Middle Eastern politics to relate the fate of the democratisation process and its failure in the region to the foreign policy platforms of the USA and its Western allies. Contrary to the prevailing interpretations of democratisation failure in the Middle East, it will be argued that the historical proclivity of leftist organisations and parties to conflate anti-imperialism with fostering hostility towards liberal values, the limited scope of industrialisation, and culturally and religiously ingrained competing loyalties are factors that have cumulatively made a significant contribution to the cultivation of a socio-political environment that is not receptive to democracy.
Despite expanding the boundary of formal equality, the Charter of
Rights and Freedoms is conducive to rationalizing liberalism's conception of
the role of the state. Contrary to the hasty expectation of social rights
advocates who hoped that they can utilize the Charter to advance social rights
in Canada, the Charter has in fact been interpreted by the courts in a manner
that justifies the subordination of the social rights to the vicissitudes in the
economic sphere, which has historically been ingrained as an overriding tenet
of liberalism. In line with a long-held liberal principle that the real threat to
individual liberty emanates from the state, not private property relations
which are indeed the basis for socio-economic inequalities, the Charter
interpretations by the courts have, in fact, reinforced a legal rationalization for
the neoliberal-motivated forces of welfare state retrenchment which are
reflected in the courts’ refusal from imposing any positive obligation on the
state to provide the basic means of subsistence for citizens as a matter of
right. Thus, judicial interpretation of the Charter reflects and reinforces the
nineteenth-century liberal tenet that the judiciary can restrain but cannot
compel the state to take positive actions.
It discusses how Afghanistan fiasco can be interpreted as an empirical testimony to the failure of implanting democratic institutions in non-liberal societies.
The tension emanated from deeply polarized socio-cultural values has found its way into the Canadian university campuses. In their endeavour to strike a balance between promoting diversity, inclusion and respecting free speech, the Canadian higher educational institutions have encountered formidable challenges. Central to the contention revolving around the free speech debate is an assertion that institutional pressures for consolidating a culture of political correctness is believed to have the potential to curtail and stifle freedom of expression which has in turn triggered governmental intervention in certain Canadian provinces. The lack of a proper balance between the quest for promoting inclusion, diversity and free speech can in the long run undermine the socially vital mission of universities, and hence corroding the public trust in the higher educational institutions. Obviously, there is no single solution that can function as panacea to surmount these pressing demands faced by the Canadian universities. However, it will be argued that the extension of constitutionally protected freedom of expression to the Canadian universities is not only geared to address the shortcomings of academic freedom, but it is also conducive to harmonizing the pursuit of promoting diversity and inclusion with upholding free speech principles.
As an organic intellectual of the emerging propertied class in 17th century England, John Locke has made an enduring contribution to the prevailing ideas shaping the socio-political order in Western societies and beyond. Through invoking the law of nature and natural rights which were nothing more than what he had abstracted from the socio-economic conditions of the seventeenth century and had projected back into the state of nature, Locke assiduously embarked on justifying the separation of civil society from the state, naturalizing class inequalities, identifying the preservation of property as the fundamental function of the state, and rationalizing the subordination of propertyless classes to the emerging liberal democratic political order geared to preserve the interests of economically hegemonic classes.
Public Administration and Democracy: The Virtue and Limit of Participatory Democracy as a Democratic Innovation. Technium Social Sciences Journal, vol.15, no 1,pp.491-506
Approach to Teaching
My approach to teaching at the university level is based on a pedagogical approach that promotes the development of critical skills in line with the course curriculum designed to meet the learning goals of students. This student-centred teaching approach puts heavy emphasis on employing effective learning strategies to engage students in their learning. In order to enhance skills development of students, I have attempted to integrate a critical perspective into course materials and assignments. My approach has been greatly structured by my teaching experience in a variety of Public Policy, Public Administration and Public Law courses over the past several years. My teaching experience includes teaching a variety of class sizes ranging from 20 to 200 students. In my teaching, I employ diverse teaching methods such as conventional lectures, group exercises, seminars, reflective learning, simulation and experiential education.
Current Courses
| Term | Course Number | Section | Title | Type |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Winter 2024 | AP/PPAS3190 6.0 | M | Public Administration | LECT |
| Fall/Winter 2023 | GS/PPAL6100 3.0 | A | Canadian Constitutional Law | SEMR |
| Fall/Winter 2023 | GS/PPAL6100 3.0 | B | Canadian Constitutional Law | SEMR |
